FBI

FBI

O Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) é uma agência de inteligência financiada pelo governo federal e é a principal fonte de recursos investigativos para os EUA. Seu lema é “Fidelidade, bravura, integridade”. Sua sede fica em Washington, D.C.O nascimento da agênciaEm 1908, o bureau nasceu como uma força de agentes especiais, que foi criado pelo procurador-geral Charles Bonaparte durante a presidência de Theodore Roosevelt. No início, o Bureau of Investigation recrutou predominantemente homens com experiência anterior na aplicação da lei. Os crimes federais não eram um grande problema no país quando o bureau foi iniciado. As violações mais comuns que receberam a atenção do bureau envolviam fraude bancária nacional, fraude imobiliária, várias formas de escravidão e extorsão.Em junho de 1910, a Lei Mann ("Escravo Branco") tornou-se uma ferramenta importante para o bureau. O Bureau of Investigation também usou a Lei Mann para levar a Ku Klux Klan "Imperial Kleagle" da Louisiana à justiça. Em 1912, o ex-examinador especial, Bruce Bielaski, tornou-se o novo chefe do bureau. De 1912 a 1914, o Bureau of Investigation empregou cerca de 300 agentes especiais designados para vários crimes federais, bem como mais de 300 outros funcionários de escritório oferecendo apoio e logística para agentes de campo. Embora esses postos avançados tenham sido colocados principalmente em cidades maiores, a demanda por uma presença perto da fronteira mexicana logo se tornou evidente e obrigou a colocação de postos avançados em cidades menores de fronteira para investigar vários casos de contrabando ilegal. De 1921 a 1933, o escritório era frequentemente em conflito com um público frustrado. Durante o que foi chamado de "anos sem lei", muitos americanos resistiram ao estabelecimento da Lei Seca, enquanto outros se envolveram em políticas extremistas. Incursões a bares clandestinos (boates que servem álcool) e o uso de bares clandestinos chamariz causaram a prisão de muitos contrabandistas de bebidas alcoólicas durante a Lei Seca.Essa ilegalidade tinha suas raízes no crime organizado, e o bureau estava profundamente envolvido em sua erradicação. A captura de criminosos como "Machine Gun" Kelly, o ladrão de banco John Dillinger e "Baby Face" Nelson tornou-se uma prioridade urgente e o bureau ganhou respeito público por sua parte em derrubar aqueles bandidos.Os anos HooverEm 10 de maio de 1924, J. Edgar Hoover, de 26 anos, tornou-se o diretor da agência. Ele estabeleceu uma academia de treinamento de agentes especiais, com idade mínima de entrada entre 25 e 35 anos e, no final dos anos 20, fundiu a coordenação de todos os escritórios de campo com arquivos centralizados contendo cartões de impressão digital. Além disso, Hoover oficialmente abriu o Laboratório de Detecção de Crimes Científicos do FBI (também conhecido como O bureau também treina laboratórios de crimes locais e estaduais e pessoal de aplicação da lei de todo o país, na Academia do FBI em Quantico, Virgínia.A partir da década de 40, o bureau tratou de casos de espionagem em que os alvos dos EUA foram levados "para o centro" por agentes do FBI. O FBI empregou muitos desses programas de contra-espionagem, começando na década de 1950.¹ Desde 1949, a lista dos Dez Fugitivos Mais Procurados do FBI está à disposição de agentes para trabalhar com outras agências de aplicação da lei e o público em geral, para ajudar a capturar fugitivos perigosos. formou "COINTELPRO" (um acrônimo para serviços de contra-espionagem) para "neutralizar" dissidentes políticos nos Estados Unidos entre 1956 e 1971. Quando COINTELPRO foi exposta em 1971, o bureau interrompeu suas operações. Ao longo de suas várias décadas como diretor, Hoover infelizmente gastou muito dos recursos da agência investigando socialistas inocentes e outros ativistas políticos diversos - frequentemente acumulando arquivos enormes sobre indivíduos no processo. Americanos notáveis ​​como Eleanor Roosevelt, que tinha o arquivo pessoal mais espesso, e Martin Luther King Jr., foram os objetos do escrutínio do diretor.Depois de HooverO crime organizado continuou a sofrer a pressão implacável do FBI. Ex-motorista e assassino contratado pelo sucessor de Al Capone, Frank “The Enforcer” Nitti, acredita-se que Giancana tenha sido um dos gângsteres recrutados pela CIA para assassinar o presidente cubano Fidel Castro. Devido ao seu estilo de vida de alto perfil e intensa vigilância do FBI, Giancana foi destronado pela Máfia e mais tarde assassinado em sua casa em Illinois em junho de 1975, após retornar do exílio no México. Uma enxurrada de outras investigações do FBI durante as décadas de 1970 e 1980 diminuiu um pouco o poder da Máfia. Em um impasse de 51 dias fora de Waco, Texas, em 1993, o FBI, o ATF (Bureau de Álcool, Tabaco e Armas de Fogo) e os Texas Rangers tentaram sem sucesso para resgatar o Ramo Davidiano que se pensava ser feito refém por seu líder, David Koresh, em seu complexo chamado Monte Carmelo. O FBI empregou sua Equipe de Resgate de Reféns (HRT) e o Agente Especial Encarregado (SAC) do escritório de San Antonio para executar táticas antiterroristas em Koresh. a procuradora-geral Janet Reno aprovou o uso do gás clorobenzilideno malononitrila (CS) para neutralizar os defensores do composto. O ATF e o FBI foram posteriormente acusados ​​de uso de força excessiva no que começou como uma investigação sobre o "negócio de armas" de Koresh e terminou em um incêndio violento e a morte da maioria dos adeptos dentro do complexo. O FBI enfrentou vira-casacas. O suposto espião foi supostamente exposto por uma equipe de caça-mole². Em 24 de fevereiro de 1994, Aldrich Ames, um veterano de 31 anos da Agência Central de Inteligência (CIA), foi detido pelo FBI em Arlington, Virgínia, sob acusações de espionagem. Ames espionava para os russos desde 1985. O século 21 e os eventos de 11 de setembro de 2001 trouxeram à tona outro tipo de violência dirigida à América, e o FBI teve que adaptar e modificar suas técnicas de contraterrorismo para lidar com essas ameaças . Com origem no governo George W. Bush, a nova lei permite que agentes especiais monitorem possíveis células ou atividades de terrorismo por meio de escuta telefônica, bem como da atividade na Internet, entre outras disposições.Diretores desde HooverO FBI teve uma longa sucessão de diretores desde a morte de Hoover em 1973, cada um fazendo contribuições ao bureau. Modernizando o bureau, Kelley também restringiu investigações arbitrárias e começou a permitir que mais mulheres e minorias ingressassem nas fileiras de agentes especiais.Kelley presidiu o bureau até 1978, quando William H. Sessions também implementou políticas para aumentar o número de mulheres e minorias no bureau. Em 1993, o presidente Bill Clinton demitiu Sessions em meio a alegações de conduta antiética. Mueller, III.ConclusãoAo longo dos anos, o Federal Bureau of Investigation esteve envolvido na investigação e captura de muitos dos criminosos mais traiçoeiros da história americana. O FBI continua sendo um bureau federal em evolução, com a mais ampla autoridade e jurisdição de qualquer agência federal de aplicação da lei.


¹ Uma pessoa de confiança que trabalha em uma posição com informações confidenciais, que foi contratada por uma agência de espionagem estrangeira.
² Ver Julius e Ethel Rosenberg.


Mais sobre espionagem do FBI

O FBI tem uma longa história de abuso de seus poderes de vigilância de segurança nacional. O potencial para abusos é novamente grande, especialmente considerando que as linhas entre as investigações criminais e as operações de inteligência estrangeiras foram borradas ou apagadas desde o 11 de setembro. Como resultado, ferramentas de vigilância intrusivas originalmente desenvolvidas para alvejar espiões soviéticos estão cada vez mais sendo usadas contra americanos.

COINTELPRO. Durante a Guerra Fria, o FBI administrou um programa doméstico de inteligência / contra-espionagem chamado COINTELPRO, que rapidamente evoluiu de um esforço legítimo para proteger a segurança nacional de ameaças estrangeiras hostis para um esforço para suprimir a dissidência política doméstica por meio de uma série de atividades ilegais. COINTELPRO teve como alvo vários grupos de protesto não violentos e dissidentes políticos com grampos ilegais, buscas físicas sem mandado e uma série de outros truques sujos. O FBI usou as informações que coletou dessas investigações impróprias não para fins de aplicação da lei, mas para "romper casamentos, interromper reuniões, condenar pessoas de suas profissões e provocar rivalidades que poderiam resultar em mortes de grupos-alvo". O Comitê da Igreja, um Comitê Seleto do Senado que investigou o COINTELPRO na década de 1970, descobriu que uma combinação de fatores levou os responsáveis ​​pela aplicação da lei a se tornarem infratores. Um fator foi a percepção de que os métodos tradicionais de aplicação da lei eram ineficazes para lidar com as ameaças à segurança que enfrentavam. Outro foi o acesso fácil a informações pessoais prejudiciais como resultado da "coleta irrestrita de inteligência doméstica". Infelizmente, esses fatores estão todos presentes novamente hoje, enquanto o FBI busca se transformar em uma agência de inteligência interna dedicada a prevenir futuros atos de terrorismo.

Reformas desfeitas. A exposição do Comitê da Igreja dos abusos de COINTELPRO do FBI levou a uma série de reformas, incluindo leis destinadas a regular a vigilância do governo e diretrizes internas (Diretrizes do Procurador Geral) que limitaram a autoridade investigativa do FBI e explicitaram as regras que regem as operações de aplicação da lei. Esses limites razoáveis ​​foram abandonados ou ignorados desde 11 de setembro, no entanto, por meio de legislação como o USA Patriot Act, por meio de emendas às Diretrizes AG e por meio de uma expansão de poderosas Forças-Tarefa Conjunta de Terrorismo (JTTF) que operam virtualmente sem público prestação de contas.

Ato Patriota. Com a promulgação do USA Patriot Act, o Congresso expandiu a autoridade do FBI para fazer demandas secretas de informações pessoais e registros não apenas sobre suspeitos de terrorismo ou espiões, mas também sobre qualquer pessoa que o FBI considerasse meramente "relevante" para uma investigação do FBI. Não surpreendentemente, uma série de cinco auditorias pelo Inspetor Geral do Departamento de Justiça confirmou a má administração, o uso indevido e o abuso generalizado do FBI dessa autoridade não verificada, que agora é usada, mais frequentemente do que não, para atingir os americanos. Para obter mais informações sobre o Patriot Act, consulte a extensa página da ACLU sobre esse assunto.

Diretrizes do procurador-geral. As Diretrizes AG passaram por quatro mudanças separadas sob o governo Bush, todas as quais deram ao FBI mais autoridades de vigilância com supervisão reduzida. O procurador-geral John Ashcroft primeiro emendou as diretrizes em 2002 para expandir as técnicas investigativas que o FBI poderia usar durante as investigações preliminares (que requerem menos evidências de irregularidades para iniciar do que uma investigação completa) e para aumentar os prazos para 180 dias com a possibilidade de duas ou mais extensões de 90 dias. As diretrizes da Ashcroft também permitiam que os agentes do FBI "visitassem qualquer lugar e comparecessem a qualquer evento aberto ao público, nos mesmos termos e condições que os membros do público em geral". Mais tarde, o FBI afirmou que essa autoridade não exigia que os agentes do FBI que participavam de reuniões públicas se identificassem como funcionários do governo.

Na tentativa de amenizar as preocupações de que o FBI usaria indevidamente essa autoridade expandida, visando atividades protegidas pela Primeira Emenda, o diretor do FBI, Robert Mueller, disse ao Congresso em 2002 que o FBI não tinha planos de se infiltrar nas mesquitas. No entanto, nos anos seguintes, houve um aumento acentuado no uso controverso de informantes pelo FBI como agentes provocadores em ambientes religiosos, incluindo Miami, Nova York e norte e sul da Califórnia. Em 2009, o Diretor Mueller defendeu essas táticas, dizendo que o FBI não "tiraria o pé do pedal do combate ao contraterrorismo".

Em 2005, o Inspetor Geral do Departamento de Justiça (IG) auditou a conformidade do FBI com as Diretrizes da AG e encontrou deficiências significativas: 53% das investigações preliminares auditadas que se estendiam além do período de autorização inicial de 180 dias não continham a documentação necessária autorizando a extensão, e 77% daqueles que se estenderam além do primeiro período de prorrogação de 90 dias não tinham as autorizações necessárias. O IG não foi capaz de determinar se ou com que frequência os agentes participaram de eventos públicos, no entanto, porque o FBI falhou em manter registros de tal atividade.

As mudanças finais e mais dramáticas nas Diretrizes da AG foram feitas em dezembro de 2008, no último mês de mandato do governo Bush. O então procurador-geral Michael Mukasey instituiu novas diretrizes que autorizam o FBI a conduzir investigações chamadas de "avaliações" sem exigir qualquer predicado factual que sugira que o alvo da investigação está envolvido em atividades ilegais ou ameaças à segurança nacional. As diretrizes de Mukasey permitem que o FBI utilize uma série de técnicas investigativas intrusivas durante essas avaliações, incluindo vigilância física, recuperação de dados de bancos de dados comerciais, recrutamento e atribuição de tarefas a informantes para comparecerem a reuniões sob falsos pretextos e engajamento em entrevistas de "pretexto" em que agentes do FBI deturpar suas identidades para obter informações. "Avaliações" podem até ser conduzidas contra um indivíduo simplesmente para determinar se ele ou ela seria um informante adequado do FBI. Nada nas novas Diretrizes AG protege americanos inteiramente inocentes de serem investigados exaustivamente pelo FBI sem um bom motivo. As novas Diretrizes autorizam explicitamente a vigilância e infiltração de grupos de defesa pacíficos antes das manifestações e não proíbem claramente o uso de raça, religião ou nacionalidade como fatores para iniciar as avaliações.

Uso de raça e etnia. Um guia interno do FBI para implementar as novas Diretrizes AG, chamado Guia de Investigações e Operações Domésticas (DIOG), contém revelações surpreendentes sobre como o FBI está usando raça e etnia na condução de avaliações e investigações. Em primeiro lugar, o DIOG afirma que as atividades de investigação e coleta de informações não devem ser baseadas "apenas na raça". Mas a Orientação sobre o Uso da Raça na Polícia Federal, do Departamento de Justiça de 2003, que vincula o FBI, diz que a raça não pode ser usada "em nenhum grau" sem uma descrição de assunto específico. Há uma grande diferença entre usar raça como uma fator e usando a raça como o único fator.

Além disso, o DIOG passa a descrever os usos autorizados de raça e etnia para agentes do FBI, que incluem:

É difícil imaginar como qualquer agência de aplicação da lei dos EUA consideraria coletar e mapear dados demográficos de comunidades raciais e étnicas um uso apropriado de seus recursos (ou, nesse caso, consistente com sua obrigação de não apenas seguir, mas fazer cumprir as leis de direitos civis dos EUA). Na verdade, em 2007, o Departamento de Polícia de Los Angeles abandonou um plano semelhante para mapear a comunidade muçulmana de LA em face da indignação pública. O FBI contestou veementemente um relatório de 2007 de Jeff Stein, do Congressional Quarterly, de que o FBI havia rastreado as vendas de falafel de São Francisco para tentar encontrar terroristas iranianos, mas o DIOG certamente confirma que o FBI considera o comportamento étnico e as empresas com orientação étnica alvos justos para vigilância (e Stein manteve sua história).

Mineração de dados. O FBI está recolhendo quantidades incríveis de informações sobre americanos inocentes por meio de programas de coleta de dados e mineração de dados não verificados. De acordo com documentos obtidos pela revista Wired em 2009, um braço do FBI chamado National Security Branch Analysis Center (NSAC) coletou 1,5 bilhão de registros de fontes públicas e privadas em uma grande operação de mineração de dados. Os registros coletados pelo FBI incluem registros financeiros de bancos de dados corporativos, como hotel e locadora de automóveis, transações milhões de "relatórios de atividades suspeitas" de instituições financeiras milhões de registros de agregadores de dados comerciais uma infinidade de bancos de dados governamentais de aplicação da lei e não-policiais e informações públicas colhidas de listas telefônicas e artigos de notícias. Os registros NSAC incluem dados do Investigative Data Warehouse do FBI, que foi identificado em relatórios do Inspetor Geral do Departamento de Justiça como o depositário de informações coletadas pelo FBI por meio de Cartas de Segurança Nacional (NSLs) e cartas exigentes ilegais.


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O FBI e o Partido Comunista

Os observadores & # 8220Had sabiam na década de 1950 o que aprenderam desde 1970, quando o Freedom of Information Act abriu os arquivos do Bureau & # 8217s, & # 8216McCarthyism & # 8217 provavelmente seria chamado de & # 8216Hooverism. '& # 8221 Professora de história Ellen Schrecker

Durante o longo mandato de J. Edgar Hoover como diretor, o FBI teve muito sucesso em espionar organizações hostis aos interesses dos Estados Unidos, incluindo a Ku Klux Klan e os partidos nazista e comunista. Hoover é demonizado nos principais livros de história porque os ativistas de esquerda que escrevem a maioria dos livros didáticos se ressentem de seus esforços contra uma dessas três organizações.

Por alguma razão desconhecida, professores universitários e outros extremistas de esquerda tendem a ser anticomunistas, implacavelmente hostis a qualquer um que já lutou contra o comunismo em qualquer posição. Sendo esse o caso, J. Edgar Hoover teria um tratamento muito mais simpático nos livros de história se tivesse restringido seus esforços anti-subversivos ao KKK e aos nazistas.

Contra-espionagem na segunda guerra mundial

O FBI tem uma longa história de dissolução de sociedades secretas hostis aos interesses americanos. Antes mesmo de os EUA entrarem em guerra com a Alemanha nazista, por exemplo, o FBI havia descoberto e se infiltrado na rede de espionagem Frederick Duquesne, e até tinha um agente do FBI operando a estação de rádio de ondas curtas por meio da qual os espiões nazistas se comunicavam com seus chefes em Berlim!

Quando o presidente Franklin Roosevelt emitiu sua infame Ordem Executiva 9066, forçando cidadãos americanos de ascendência japonesa a campos de internamento, a ação foi apoiada por ícones liberais como Earl Warren e Hugo Black, e se opôs a J. Edgar Hoover.

Hoover disse ao presidente que a grande maioria dos nipo-americanos eram americanos leais e que, se fossem desleais, ele saberia disso. A ordem de internamento era desnecessária, disse ele, porque seus agentes identificaram os nipo-americanos e germano-americanos que representavam uma ameaça aos EUA muito antes do início da guerra e prenderam praticamente todos eles 48 horas após o ataque a Pearl Harbor.

Quando espionar é uma coisa ruim

Não espere que professores de história de tendência esquerdista dêem a Hoover qualquer crédito por se opor à internação japonesa. Seus “crimes”, aos olhos do típico professor universitário de rabo de cavalo cinza, são grandes demais para permitir qualquer atenuação.

O professor Eric Foner, por exemplo, reclama em seu livro de história do calouro que Washington DC na década de 1950 & # 8217 era uma cidade atormentada por & # 8220 espionagem, suspeita e difamação por boato & # 8221 1 e quando ele diz & # 8220spying & # 8221 não é a espionagem soviética generalizada daquela época que ele está reclamando. Na década de 1950, agentes e informantes do FBI espionavam o Partido Comunista, enquanto membros do Partido Comunista espionavam o governo dos Estados Unidos. Os esquerdistas como o Dr. Foner se ressentem amargamente do FBI por espionar os espiões.

A professora Ellen Schrecker descreveu o FBI de Hoover como & # 8220 o componente mais importante da cruzada anticomunista & # 8221 2 e ela não quis dizer isso como um elogio. Como a maioria dos professores de história, ela condena Joseph McCarthy por conduzir uma “caça às bruxas”, supostamente sem qualquer evidência de espionagem comunista, e então condena Hoover por fornecer a McCarthy exatamente a evidência que ela afirma que McCarthy nunca teve.

E Hoover forneceu muitas evidências.

O FBI e o CPUSA

O FBI obteve informações sobre as atividades antiamericanas do Partido Comunista dos EUA (CPUSA) de várias fontes. Os agentes do FBI tiveram acesso às criptografias de mensagens do Projeto Venona entre o governo soviético e sua rede de espiões nos Estados Unidos. Eles trabalharam em estreita colaboração com desertores do CPUSA, incluindo os ex-espiões Elizabeth Bentley e Whittaker Chambers. O mais impressionante é que os agentes e colaboradores do FBI conseguiram se infiltrar no Partido e monitorar suas atividades internamente.

As táticas que permitiram ao FBI se infiltrar e monitorar círculos de espionagem nazistas durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial funcionaram igualmente bem contra o Partido Comunista. Em 1942, por exemplo, o FBI recrutou uma esteticista chamada Mary Markward para se infiltrar na filial de Washington DC do CPUSA. Markward quickly rose through the ranks to become the Party’s treasurer, which gave her access to the party’s membership rolls and other records.

For several years every dues check and Trabalhador diário subscription in the DC area went through Mrs. Markward’s hands, including several from Government employees, who were forbidden by federal law to be Communist Party members. She spent seven years as a mole in the Party before health problems forced her to retire. Two years later she testified before the House Committee on Un-American Activities.

And it wasn’t just the local Party offices that were infiltrated Hoover had spies inside the national party headquarters as well. Morris Childs, the most noteworthy example, was a charter member of CPUSA who grew disillusioned with the party as he learned of Stalin’s various atrocities. In 1947 Childs suffered a debilitating heart attack, and the cold response of his Party comrades made him ripe for recruitment as an FBI agent.

In the mid-1950’s Childs’ health improved, and he resumed his activities in the Communist Party, while secretly reporting to the FBI. By the early 1960’s Childs was the number two man in CPUSA, reporting directly to Party Chairman Gus Hall. He traveled frequently to Moscow before and during the Vietnam War to meet with high ranking Soviet officials including General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev. 3 During his tenure he and his brother Jack smuggled thirty million dollars in Soviet money into the United States for the CPUSA. J. Edgar Hoover, of course, received reports detailing every dollar of it.

Hoover also got reports on Soviet support for the Communist forces fighting Americans in Vietnam, on the communications between Brezhnev’s government and Communist-controlled “Peace” groups in the US, and on every other Cold War era subject of any interest to the American side.

What the Files Reveal

Hoover’s agents kept detailed files on Communist agents operating in this country. Many of these files have now been released to the public in response to Freedom of Information Act requests, and some of them contain information painfully embarrassing to college history professors and other leftwing activists.

Frank Marshal Davis, for example, was a political activist who served as a political mentor for current US President Barack Obama. Davis’ relationship with the young future President has been confirmed both by right wing critics of the President, and by left wing supporters like Gerald Horne and Professor John Edgar Tidwell as well as by the Associated Press. 4 Many leftists portray Davis’ connection to the Communist Party as mere rumor-mongering by right wing zealots, but the undeniable truth is right there in Davis’ FBI file. Frank Marshal Davis was a Communist. He carried Communist Party membership card #47544. His wife Helen’s membership card was #62109.

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Professor Howard Zinn, to cite one more example, wrote the million-selling history textbook A People’s History of the United States, which is, unfortunately, required reading for students in high schools and universities around the nation. Professor Foner has praised Zinn’s cartoonish book as a masterpiece written “with an enthusiasm rarely encountered in the leaden prose of academic history,” and said more specifically that Zinn’s thirty-four pages of slander against the Vietnam era US military “should be required reading for a new generation of students.” 5 Professor Zinn was a Communist Party member for most of his life, as his FBI file clearly shows.

It’s no wonder that anti-anti-Communists in this country have always hated J. Edgar Hoover. His agents and their tactics were a Communist’s worst nightmare.

1 Eric Foner, Give Me Liberty (Volume II, 2006 edition), p. 801
2 Ellen Schrecker. 1998. Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America. Boston: Little, Brown p. 239
3 Paul Kengor, Dupes, ISI Books 2010, pp. 282, 283
4 Ibid., pp. 446-452
5 Howard Zinn, A People’s History of the United States, Harper Perennial Modern Classics 2003, back cover


FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin 

Since 1935, the FBI has provided information on current law enforcement issues and research in the field to the larger policing community through the FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin. Just as the FBI has adapted over the years to address the changing needs of the criminal justice community, the Bulletin continues changing to reach a more mobile and widespread audience. The current issue of the Bulletin will be the final hard-copy edition, ending nearly 80 years in that format.

o Bulletin will continue to deliver peer-reviewed articles submitted by a wide range of authorities, including subject matter experts, national security liaisons, officers and agents in the field, and legal instruction advisors. Beginning January 2013, these articles will be available exclusively online at http://www.fbi.gov. A brief history of the Bulletin explains its effort to help law enforcement professionals better understand and combat security threats facing the United States and protect and defend citizens.

In October 1932, the Bureau of Investigation began publishing a monthly magazine of fugitive write-ups titled Fugitives Wanted by Police. In October 1935, after the Bureau of Investigation became the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the publication was renamed the FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin and added brief articles noting advances in police science to its fugitive write-ups. As the 1930s continued to witness a renaissance of American policing marked by increased professionalism and growth of the forensic sciences, the Bulletin served as a primary resource for disseminating information throughout the law enforcement community. 

Forties and Fifties

After the attack on Pearl Harbor, the United States joined the Allied war effort against the Axis Powers. Like all segments of society, policing changed dramatically during the war years. Throughout the war era, the Bulletin provided law enforcement officials with information related to national defense, scientific aids, and police training. As the American economy expanded during the postwar years, unparalleled growth led to profound changes for the law enforcement community. In its pages the Bulletin addressed the major issues of the time, including rising levels of juvenile delinquency and policing’s role in maintaining national security.

Sixties and Seventies

In the 1960s, the Bulletin chronicled a decade of intense social change. In addition to advances in the forensic sciences, articles focused on such topics as the growing drug culture and police response to civil disturbances.

During the 1970s, the Bulletin featured articles that promoted the evolving emphasis on education in policing, as well as changes in tactics and hiring practices embraced by the nation’s law enforcement agencies.

Eighties and Nineties

During the 1980s, the Bulletin further established itself as a primary training resource for law enforcement administrators in agencies throughout the nation and the world. During the decade, the Bulletin featured articles on a broad array of scientific, technological, and strategic advances that would prove to have a dramatic affect on law enforcement. In the 1990s, the Bulletin embraced new technologies to reach a wider and more diverse readership. In 1991 it became one of the first law enforcement-related publications to go online and provide electronic versions of the magazine for viewing on the Internet. 

Today and the Future

Today the FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin remains one of the most widely read law enforcement-related publications in the world. Each month law enforcement administrators in more than 105 countries receive copies. Given the high “pass-around” rate of the printed copies, as well as its online presence, the Bulletin has an estimated readership of over 200,000 criminal justice professionals each month.

o Bulletin has become an extension of the work of the FBI Training Division. While the FBI hosts over 3,000 law enforcement specialists each year at the Training Academy at Quantico, many others within the criminal justice system have benefited from the information shared by subject matter experts from all aspects of the law enforcement community who have provided information and instruction in the pages of the Bulletin.

Its mission remains strong—to inform, educate, and broaden the criminal justice community’s understanding of current issues facing law enforcement. For 80 years the Bulletin has served this community and will continue to do so in the challenging days ahead through its website, https://leb.fbi.gov/.

FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin Cover Montage

The cover montage on the following pages primarily highlights covers from the last 30 years. o Fugitives Wanted by Police covers from 1932 to September 1935 featured only text. The magazine changed its name to the FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin in October 1935 and began including pictures of a fugitive on the cover until June 1938. From July 1938 until June 1965, the cover featured only logos. The first photographic covers began with the July 1965 issue, which featured a picture of former FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover. Those covers were either duotone or black and white until the first full-color cover appeared on the January 1989 issue. There are plans to eventually scan and reprint the contents on the magazine’s website of every issue of the magazine, including covers, going back to October 1932. Updates on the progress of this project will be posted on the site.


Organization, Mission and Functions Manual: Federal Bureau of Investigation

In 1908 Attorney General Charles Joseph Bonaparte issued an Order creating an investigative agency within the Department of Justice. The Order was confirmed in 1909 by Attorney General George W. Wickersham, who ordered the establishment of the Bureau of Investigation. The present name, Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), was designated by Congress in 1935.

The mission of the FBI is to protect and defend the United States against terrorist and foreign intelligence threats, to uphold and enforce the criminal laws of the United States, and to provide leadership and criminal justice services to federal, state, municipal, and international agencies and partners and to perform these responsibilities in a manner that is responsive to the needs of the public and is faithful to the Constitution of the United States.


Ahmed Ferhani

Ahmed Ferhani, who was bipolar with a low IQ, was arrested for planning an attack on a synagogue in Manhattan in 2011 along with his friend Mohamed Mamdouh.

The NYPD ran the sting in this case and had been aware of Ferhani for years because his mother had to call the police when he had manic episodes as a teenager.

This is one of several instances where local police departments colluded with federal investigators. In Ferhani&rsquos case, federal authorities declined to pursue the case.

His lawyers argued that Ferhani was entrapped to justify the NYPD&rsquos surveillance of Muslims.

Prison officers pushed client to suicide, lawyer of mentally-ill Muslim inmate tells RThttps://t.co/OyjVYpcIyqpic.twitter.com/pu1PPTGAL7

&mdash RT America (@RT_America) April 14, 2016

Ferhani was introduced in 2010 to Ilter Ayturk, who was an undercover cop. It was Ayturk who gave the two the idea to carry out an attack and encouraged Ferhani to make anti-Semitic remarks. He told Ferhani about Palestine and blamed Jewish people, encouraging Ferhani to do the same.

Ferhani met another agent pretending to be a weapons dealer, giving him $100 for ammunition, a grenade, and three semi-automatic pistols.

Ferhani was sentenced to 10 years in prison, where he attempted suicide after being abused by guards.

The abuse was so bad that he had to have 12 staples in his head following one incident and was left in a coma after his suicide attempt, AP reports.


Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI)

The U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) began monitoring Martin Luther King, Jr., in December 1955, during his involvement with the Montgomery bus boycott, and engaged in covert operations against him throughout the 1960s. FBI director J. Edgar Hoover was personally hostile toward King, believing that the civil rights leader was influenced by Communists. This animosity increased after April 1964, when King called the FBI “completely ineffectual in resolving the continued mayhem and brutality inflicted upon the Negro in the deep South” (King, 23 April 1964). Under the FBI’s domestic counterintelligence program (COINTELPRO) King was subjected to various kinds of FBI surveillance that produced alleged evidence of extramarital affairs, though no evidence of Communist influence.

The FBI was created in 1909 as the Justice Department’s unit to investigate federal crimes. Hoover became FBI director in 1924 and served until his death in 1972. Throughout the 1930s the FBI’s role expanded when President Franklin D. Roosevelt asked the FBI to research “subversives” in the United States, and Congress passed a series of laws increasing the types of federal crimes falling under the FBI’s jurisdiction. During World War II, the FBI was further authorized to investigate threats to national security. This loosely defined mission formed the heading under which the FBI began to investigate the civil rights movement.

The FBI initially monitored King under its Racial Matters Program, which focused on individuals and organizations involved in racial politics. Although the FBI raised concerns as early as March 1956, that King was associating with card-carrying members of the Communist Party, King’s alleged ties with communism did not become the focus of FBI investigations under the existing Communist Infiltration Program, designed to investigate groups and individuals subject to Communist infiltration, until 1962. In February 1962, Hoover told Attorney General Robert Kennedy that Stanley Levison, one of King’s closest advisors, was “a secret member of the Communist Party” (Hoover, 14 February 1962). In the following months, Hoover deployed agents to find subversive material on King, and Robert Kennedy authorized wiretaps on King’s home and Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) offices in October 1963.

Hoover responded to King’s criticisms of the Bureau’s performance in civil rights cases by announcing at a press conference in November 1964, that King was the “most notorious liar in the country” (Herbers, “Dr. King Rebuts Hoover”). Surprised by the accusation, King replied that he could only have sympathy for Hoover as he must be “under extreme pressure” to make such a statement (Herbers, “Dr. King Rebuts Hoover”). King asked an intermediary to set up a meeting between himself and Hoover to understand what had led to the comment. Andrew Novo, a King aide who was present at the meeting, recalled that there was “not even an attitude of hostility” between the two, but at about this same time, the FBI anonymously sent King a compromising tape recording of him carousing in a Washington, D.C., hotel room, along with an anonymous letter that SCLC staff interpreted as encouraging King to commit suicide to avoid public embarrassment (Senate Select Committee, 167).

Hoover continued to approve investigations of King and covert operations to discredit King’s standing among financial supporters, church leaders, government officials, and the media. When King condemned the Guerra vietnamita in a speech at Riverside Church on 4 April 1967, the FBI “interpreted this position as proof he ‘has been influenced by Communist advisers’” and stepped up their covert operations against him (Senate Select Committee, 180). The FBI considered initiating another formal COINTELPRO against King and fellow anti-war activist Dr. Benjamin Spock in 1967, when the two were rumored to be contemplating a run for the presidency, but ruled it out on the grounds that such a program would be more effective after the pair had officially announced their candidacy.

In August 1967, the FBI created a COINTELPRO against “Black Nationalist–Hate Groups,” which targeted SCLC, King, and other civil rights leaders. King was identified as a target because the FBI believed that he could become a “messiah” who could unify black nationalists “should he abandon his supposed ‘obedience’ to ‘white liberal doctrines’ (nonviolence) and embrace black nationalism” (Senate Select Committee, 180). In the last few months of King’s life, the FBI intensified its efforts to discredit him and to “neutralize” SCLC (Senate Select Committee, 180).

According to a U.S. Senate Committee convened in the 1970s to investigate the FBI’s domestic intelligence operations, the impact of the FBI’s efforts to discredit SCLC and King on the civil rights movement “is unquestionable” (Senate Select Committee, 183). The committee determined that: “Rather than trying to discredit the alleged Communists it believed were attempting to influence Dr. King, the Bureau adopted the curious tactic of trying to discredit the supposed target of Communist Party interest—Dr. King himself” (Senate Select Committee, 85).

Though some civil rights activists were aware that they were under surveillance, they still had to rely upon the Bureau to investigate racial discrimination cases. After the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 the FBI’s jurisdiction in segregation and voting rights cases expanded significantly, and the FBI’s arrests in the Mississippi triple murder case during Freedom Summer demonstrated some measure of public commitment to civil rights investigations.

After King’s assassination in 1968, the FBI successfully launched a large scale investigation to find his killer.


The shootout [ edit | editar fonte]

Relative positions of FBI agents' and suspects' vehicles after felony car stop at 12201 Southwest 82nd Avenue, Pinecrest, Miami, Florida. Illustration is not to scale.

At 8:45 a.m on April 11, 1986, a team of FBI agents led by Special Agent Gordon McNeill assembled at a Home Depot to initiate a rolling stakeout searching for the black Monte Carlo (Collazo's stolen car). The agents did not know the identity of the suspects at the time. They were acting on a hunch that the pair would attempt a robbery that morning.

A total of fourteen FBI agents in eleven cars participated in the search. Eight of these FBI agents took part in the actual shootout and were paired as follows

  • Supervisory Special Agent Gordon McNeill alone in his car
  • Special Agent Richard Manauzzi alone in his car
  • Special Agent Benjamin Grogan, with
  • Special Agent Jerry Dove
  • Special Agent Edmundo Mireles, Jr., with
  • Special Agent John Hanlon
  • Special Agent Gilbert Orrantia, with
  • Special Agent Ronald Risner

Around 9:30 a.m., agents Grogan and Dove spotted the suspect vehicle, and began to follow. Two other stakeout team cars joined them, and eventually an attempt was made to conduct a felony traffic stop of the suspects, who were forced off the road following collisions with the FBI cars of agents Grogan/Dove, agents Hanlon/Mireles and agent Manauzzi. This sent the suspect car nose first into a tree in a small parking area in front of a house at 12201 Southwest 82nd Avenue, pinned against a parked car on its passenger side and Manauzzi's car on the driver side.

Of the eight agents at the scene, two had Ithaca Model 37 shotguns in their vehicles (McNeill and Mireles), three were armed with semi-automatic Smith & Wesson Model 459 9mm pistols (Dove, Grogan, and Risner), and the rest were armed with Smith & Wesson revolvers. Two of the agents had backup handguns (Hanlon and Risner) and both would end up using them.

The initial collision that forced the suspects off the road caused some unforeseen problems for the agents, as the FBI vehicles sustained damage from the heavier, older car driven by Matix. Ε] Just prior to ramming the Monte Carlo, Manauzzi had pulled out his service revolver and placed it on the seat in anticipation of a shootout, Ε] but the force of the collision flung open his door and sent his weapon flying. Hanlon lost his .357 Magnum service revolver during the initial collision, though he was still able to fight with his Smith & Wesson Model 36 backup gun. The collision knocked off Grogan's eye glasses, and there is speculation his vision was so bad that he was unable to see clearly enough to be effective. (A claim disputed by the FBI's Medical Director, who stated that Grogan's vision was "not that bad".) Grogan, however, is credited with landing hits in the gunfight.

Manauzzi was wounded when Matix fired his shotgun and the pellets penetrated the door of Manauzzi's car. McNeill fired over the hood of Manauzzi's car but was wounded by return fire from Platt's Ruger Mini-14 rifle. Platt then fired his rifle at Mireles across the street. Mireles was hit in the left forearm, creating a severe wound. Ε] Platt then pulled back from the window, giving Matix opportunity to fire. Due to collision damage, Matix could only open his door partially, and fired one shotgun round at Grogan and Dove, striking their vehicle. Matix was then shot in the right forearm, probably by Grogan. Ζ] McNeill returned fire with six shots from his revolver, hitting Matix with two rounds in the head and neck. Matix was apparently knocked unconscious by the hits and fired no more rounds. Η] McNeill was then shot in the hand, and due to his wound and blood in his revolver's chambers, could not reload. & # 917 e # 93

As Platt climbed out of the passenger side car window, one of Dove's 9 mm rounds hit his right upper arm and went on to penetrate his chest, stopping an inch away from his heart. The autopsy found Platt’s right lung was collapsed and his chest cavity contained 1.3 liters of blood, suggesting damage to the main blood vessels of the right lung. Of his many gunshot wounds, this first was the primary injury responsible for Platt’s eventual death. ⎖] The car had come to a stop against a parked vehicle, and Platt had to climb across the hood of this vehicle, a Cutlass. As he did so, he was shot a second and third time, in the right thigh and left foot. The shots were believed to have been fired by Dove. & # 9111 & # 93

Platt took up position by the passenger side front fender of the Cutlass. He fired a .357 Magnum revolver at agents Ronald Risner and Gilbert Orrantia, and was shot a fourth time when turning to fire at Hanlon, Dove and Grogan. The bullet, fired by Risner or Orrantia, penetrated Platt's right forearm, fractured the radius bone and exited the forearm. This wound caused Platt to drop his revolver. ⎘] It is estimated that Platt was shot a fifth time shortly afterwards, this time by Risner. The bullet penetrated Platt's right upper arm, exited below the armpit and entered his torso, stopping below his shoulder blade. The wound was not serious. & # 9113 & # 93

Platt fired one round from his Mini-14 at Risner and Orrantia's position, wounding Orrantia with shrapnel created by the bullet's passage, and two rounds at McNeill. One round hit McNeill in the neck, causing him to collapse and leaving him paralyzed for several hours. Platt then apparently positioned the Mini-14 against his shoulder using his uninjured left hand. & # 9114 & # 93

Dove's 9 mm pistol was rendered inoperative after being hit by one of Platt's bullets. Hanlon fired at Platt and was shot in the hand while reloading. Grogan and Dove were kneeling alongside the driver’s side of their car. Both were preoccupied with getting Dove's gun running and did not detect that Platt was aggressively advancing upon them. When Platt rounded the rear of their car he killed Grogan with a shot to the chest, shot Hanlon in the groin area and then killed Dove with two shots to the head. Platt then entered the Grogan/Dove car in an apparent attempt to flee the scene. ⎛] As Platt entered Grogan and Dove's car, Mireles, able to use only one arm, fired the first of five rounds from his pump-action shotgun, wounding Platt in both feet. Ε] At an unknown time, Matix had regained consciousness and he joined Platt in the car, entering via the passenger door. Mireles fired four more rounds at Platt and Matix, but hit neither. & # 9116 & # 93

Around this time, Metro-Dade Police Officers Leonard Figueroa and Martin Heckman arrived. Heckman covered McNeill's paralyzed body with his own. & # 9117 & # 93

Platt's actions at this moment in the fight have been debated. A civilian witness described Platt leaving the car, walking almost 20 feet and firing at Mireles three times at close range. Mireles does not remember this happening. Officer Heckman does not remember Platt leaving the Grogan/Dove car. Risner and Orrantia, observing from the other side of the street, stated that they did not see Platt leave the car and fire at Mireles. ⎞] However, it is known for certain that Platt pulled Matix's Dan Wesson revolver at some point and fired three rounds. ⎚] ⎟]

Platt attempted to start the Grogan/Dove car. Mireles drew his .357 Magnum revolver, moved parallel to the street and then directly toward Platt and Matix. Mireles fired six rounds at the suspects. The first round missed, hitting the back of the front seat. The second hit the driver's side window post and fragmented, with one small piece hitting Platt in the scalp. The third hit Matix in the face, and fragmented in two, with neither piece causing a serious wound. The fourth hit Matix in the face next to his right eye socket, travelled downward through the facial bones, into the neck, where it entered the spinal column and severed the spinal cord. The fifth hit Matix in the face, penetrated the jaw bone and neck and came to rest by the spinal column. ⎠] Mireles reached the driver's side door, extended his revolver through the window, and fired his sixth shot at Platt. The bullet penetrated Platt's chest and bruised the spinal cord, ending the gunfight. ⎡]

The shootout involved ten people: two suspects and eight FBI agents. Of the ten, only one, Special Agent Manauzzi, did not fire any shots (firearm thrown from car in initial collision), while only one, Special Agent Risner, was able to emerge from the battle without a wound. The incident lasted under five minutes yet approximately 145 shots were exchanged. Ε] ⎢]

Toxicology tests showed that the abilities of Platt and Matix to fight through multiple traumatic gunshot wounds and continue to battle and attempt to escape were not achieved through any chemical means. Both of their bodies were drug-free at the time of their deaths. ⎣]


The History Of The FBI's Secret 'Enemies' List

J. Edgar Hoover was the first director of the FBI. He introduced fingerprinting and forensic techniques to the crime-fighting agency, and pushed for stronger federal laws to punish criminals who strayed across state lines. He also kept secret files on more than 20,000 Americans he deemed "subversive." Anonymous/Library of Congress ocultar legenda

J. Edgar Hoover was the first director of the FBI. He introduced fingerprinting and forensic techniques to the crime-fighting agency, and pushed for stronger federal laws to punish criminals who strayed across state lines. He also kept secret files on more than 20,000 Americans he deemed "subversive."

Anonymous/Library of Congress

Four years after Pulitzer Prize-winning writer Tim Weiner published Legacy of Ashes, his detailed history of the CIA, he received a call from a lawyer in Washington, D.C.

"He said, 'I've just gotten my hands on a Freedom of Information Act request that's 26 years old for [FBI Director] J. Edgar Hoover's intelligence files. Would you like them?' " Weiner tells Ar frescoé Terry Gross. "And after a stunned silence, I said, 'Yes, yes.' "

Weiner went to the lawyer's office and collected four boxes containing Hoover's personal files on intelligence operations between 1945 and 1972.

"Reading them is like looking over [Hoover's] shoulder and listening to him talk out loud about the threats America faced, how the FBI was going to confront them," he says. "Hoover had a terrible premonition after World War II that America was going to be attacked — that New York or Washington was going to be attacked by suicidal, kamikaze airplanes, by dirty bombs . and he never lost this fear."

Weiner's new book, Enemies: A History of the FBI, traces the history of the FBI's secret intelligence operations, from the bureau's creation in the early 20 th century through its ongoing fight in the current war on terrorism. He explains how Hoover's increasing concerns about communist threats against the United States led to the FBI's secret intelligence operations against anyone deemed "subversive."

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Secrecy And The Red Raids

Weiner details how Hoover became increasingly worried about communist threats against the United States. Even before he became director of the FBI, Hoover was conducting secret intelligence operations against U.S. citizens he suspected were anarchists, radical leftists or communists. After a series of anarchist bombings went off across the United States in 1919, Hoover sent five agents to infiltrate the newly formed Communist Party.

"From that day forward, he planned a nationwide dragnet of mass arrests to round up subversives, round up communists, round up Russian aliens — as if he were quarantining carriers of typhoid," Weiner says.

On Jan. 1, 1920, Hoover sent out the arrest orders, and at least 6,000 people were arrested and detained throughout the country.

"When the dust cleared, maybe 1 in 10 was found guilty of a deportable offense," says Weiner. "Hoover denied — at the time and until his death — that he had been the intellectual author of the Red Raids."

Hoover, Attorney General Mitchell Palmer and Secretary of the Navy Franklin Delano Roosevelt all came under attack for their role in the raids.

"It left a lifelong imprint on Hoover," says Weiner. "If he was going to attack the enemies of the United States, better that it be done in secret and not under law. Because to convict people in court, you have to [reveal] your evidence, [but] when you're doing secret intelligence operations, you just have to sabotage and subvert them and steal their secrets — you don't have to produce evidence capable of discovery by the other side. That could embarrass you or get the case thrown out — because you had gone outside the law to enforce the law."

Hoover started amassing secret intelligence on "enemies of the United States" — a list that included terrorists, communists, spies — or anyone Hoover or the FBI had deemed subversive.

Hoover saw Martin Luther King Jr. as an "enemy of the state," says author Tim Weiner. Express Newspapers/Getty Images ocultar legenda

Hoover saw Martin Luther King Jr. as an "enemy of the state," says author Tim Weiner.

Express Newspapers/Getty Images

The Civil Rights Movement

Later on, anti-war protesters and civil rights leaders were added to Hoover's list.

"Hoover saw the civil rights movement from the 1950s onward and the anti-war movement from the 1960s onward, as presenting the greatest threats to the stability of the American government since the Civil War," he says. "These people were enemies of the state, and in particular Martin Luther King [Jr.] was an enemy of the state. And Hoover aimed to watch over them. If they twitched in the wrong direction, the hammer would come down."

Hoover was intent on planting bugs around civil rights leaders — including King — because he thought communists had infiltrated the civil rights movement, says Weiner. Hoover had his intelligence chief bug King's bedroom, and then sent the civil rights leader a copy of the sex recordings his intelligence chief had taken of King — along with an anonymous letter from the FBI.

"It was a poison pen letter, it was a hate letter it wasn't from anyone in particular, but Martin Luther King and his wife would certainly know the source of the tapes, that it had to be the FBI," says Weiner. "And the poison pen letter read: 'King, look into your heart. The American people would know you for what you are — an evil, abnormal beast. There is only one way out for you. You better take it before your filthy, abnormal fraudulent self is bared to the nation.' "

Weiner says King ignored the letter, even as the FBI tried diligently to defame him.

"They were trying to get King knocked off from his perch as the Nobel Peace Prize recipient," he says. "They sent [the tapes] to colleges to keep him off campus, they sent it around Washington."

It was Hoover, says Weiner, who decided that bugging King's bedroom was necessary.

"When it came down to bugging bedrooms, you had to be careful not to get caught, but there wasn't anything to stop him," says Weiner. "He decided up to a point . where the boundaries of the law [were] when it came to black bag jobs, break-ins, bugging, surveillance, the constitutionality of gathering secret intelligence on America's enemies — both real and imagined."

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Destaques da entrevista

On J. Edgar Hoover's legacy

"Hoover is the inventor of the modern American national security state. Every fingerprint file, every DNA record, every iris recorded through biometrics, every government dossier on every citizen and alien in this country owes its life to him. We live in his shadow, though he's been gone for 40 years. As they always told the agents at the FBI academy when they were training, 'An institution is the length and shadow of a man.' "

On Robert Kennedy authorizing Hoover's plan to bug Martin Luther King Jr.

"Hoover had come to Bobby Kennedy and President Kennedy and said, 'Look, Stanley Levinson — King's adviser — is a communist. He's a secret communist, he's an underground communist, and he's using Martin Luther King as a cat's paw.' Well, when you put it that way, you weren't gainsaying Hoover if you were John or Bobby Kennedy. So they said yes."

On why Hoover asked Roosevelt for "unlimited powers"

"Hoover did not want any limits. He wanted no charter, no rules. He wanted the FBI to investigate the so-and-so's. And he believed that the Soviet Union was trying to steal America's atomic secrets, to burrow into the State Department, the Pentagon, the FBI and the White House — and he was right."

On Hoover's list of gays in government

"Hoover's war on gays in the government dates back to 1937 and lasted all his life. He conflated — and he was not alone — communism with homosexuality. Both communists and homosexuals had secret coded language that they spoke to each other, and they had clandestine lives, they met in clandestine places, they had secrets. And in certain cases, such as the British spy ring that penetrated the Pentagon in the 1940s and early 1950s, they were both communists and homosexuals. Hoover didn't see a dime's worth of difference there. They were one and the same. This was hammered into him when the FBI dealt with one of the most famous informants — Whittaker Chambers — who helped bring down secret Soviet espionage rings in this country. He was a well-known writer at Tempo revista. Chambers was a secret homosexual and a secret communist. Hoover saw a nexus there, and he never let that thought go."

On Hoover's relationship with President Nixon

"It was deep. It was based on mutual respect and dependency. And then it broke down during the last year and a half of Hoover's life — around the time that Nixon turns on the White House tapes and starts bugging himself. Nixon wants his enemies destroyed — all of them. Hoover is no longer willing to do his dirty work for him — his black bag jobs, his breaking and entering, his bugging. Nixon becomes increasingly frustrated with this and he sets up his own bucket shop — the plumbers. Six weeks after Hoover dies, they get caught breaking into the Watergate."